Nakusha, or Nakushi, is a derogatory given name that means 'unwanted' in the Indian language Marathi, given by some parents in rural Maharashtra, India, to unwanted female children, in the belief that doing so will ensure that their next child is a boy. Directed by Pranay Meshram. Nakusha.which means The Unwanted One is the story of many new born girls in India. The intentional and barbaric act of female infanticide is carried out fearlessly even today. The film portrays the gender selective killing of a new born girl and those few minutes that she gets to live in a small village of Maharashtra. Dutta and Nakusha (TaSha)I've seen many weddings but not like Dutta and Nakusha's from Laagi Tujhse Lagan! This was one wedding that was so inte. Post marriage party at Dutta's place where dancers are there. Kala mixes some alcohol in Nakusha's drink and Naku drinks and gets unconscious. Nakusha is an agripreneur who works 6 hours a day for 7 days a week. With this loan Nakusha will potentially obtain employment for 273 days. The interest rate charged is split into returns for the social investor, fees for the impact partner and platform charges. Investee pays i.
Indian society is commonly associated with a strong cultural preference for sons. Using nationally representative data from 1986-2017, this article examines parental investment in the education of sons vis-à-vis daughters. It finds that while gender gaps in the quantity of schooling have declined significantly for all children, those in the quality of education have increased – especially in families with unwanted girls.
Nakusha: In rural Maharashtra, several parents name their girls “Nakusha” or 'unnwanted'…
There are many reasons why parents want at least one son, or more sons than daughters: patrilocality, expectations of old-age support, rituals that only sons perform, especially related to death, and male primogeniture. India, China, and South Korea are most commonly associated with son preference (SP) because of the prevalence of sex-selective foeticide (Das Gupta et al. 2003). This results in a distorted sex ratio at birth (SRB), as parents consciously manage the sex composition of their children. Thus, strong SP leads to the extensively researched phenomenon of ‘missing women’ (Sen 1990).
In recent research (Deshpande and Gupta 2020), our investigation focusses on the (non-missing) women who grow up in societies with deep-rooted SP. How do attitudes of SP affect parental investments in girls’ school education relative to boys? Also, is SP the only reason parents make differential investments, or are there other mechanisms at play? How have these attitudes and actual gender gaps in education changed over time?
We examine data from the special educational surveys conducted by the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) between 1986 and 2017, on the quantity and quality of school education for 6-to-19-year-old children. The data reflect the combination of demand (for education) and supply factors. However, our research focusses on factors emanating within the household that account for demand for education. We explore if the household-level factors vary for boys and girls, and if yes, is SP the only reason for this. In particular, we examine how the phenomenon of ‘unwanted girls’ shapes gender gaps in quantity and quality of schooling.
How can we identify ‘unwanted’ girls?
Unwanted girls are literally girls who were born but were not wanted by their parents. How do we identify them? This is empirically challenging because in the data all we can observe is the actual number and sex composition of children in the family. Additionally, we know that prenatal sex determination in India is illegal but thriving, which means that in principle, parents with strong SP would simply abort the female foetus, rather than give birth to an unwanted girl. We cannot gauge the strength of SP of parents by observing the number and sex composition of their children, because survey data cannot reveal whether parents have consciously manipulated their family composition or not.
Not all parents with SP abort female foetuses. The Economic Survey of 2018 identifies ‘meta son preference’ (meta SP) based on Jayachandran (2017). This results in families adopting a fertility stopping rule, which means they keep having children till at least one son or a desired number of sons is born. When there is no such fertility stopping rule, the sex ratio is the naturally occurring 1.05 (male/female), whether or not the child is the last one. With the fertility stopping rule, the sex ratio of the last child is heavily skewed towards boys, and the sex ratio at earlier birth orders is heavily skewed towards girls. Thus, meta SP captures the phenomenon of ‘unwanted’ girls, that is, girls born in the process of parents trying for a boy.
The innovation in our research lies in two features: one, classifying families into types based on a methodology for identifying meta SP; and two, using this classification to disentangle mechanisms underlying parental investments in children’s education.
To capture meta SP, we examine families with three children or more. Such families could have only girls, only boys, or both boys and girls. We call the latter mixed families. We classify these into ‘mixed families' with meta SP/unwanted girls’ if the last child is a boy and all the preceding children are girls. If the last child is not a boy, we call them simply ‘mixed families’.
This gives us four types of families: all girls, all boys, mixed families with unwanted girls, and mixed families (with no unwanted girls). Based on this, there would be six types of children: girls (boys) in all girls (boys) families; girls (boys) in mixed families; girls (boys) in mixed families with unwanted girls.
Note again that we observe the ex-post number of children, not the ex-ante desires of parents. To reiterate, it is not possible, with observational survey data, to determine with precision whether any particular girl is ‘wanted’ or ‘unwanted’. The ex-post number and sex composition of children is a function of the desired family size, SP (that is, whether parents got a prenatal sex test and acted on the results), as well as sheer luck.
Additionally, note that we identify meta SP only in mixed families. Several of the all-girls families could well have unwanted girls, where parents tried for a boy, did not get one, and stopped having children at some point. Or there could be families who first had a boy at birth order 1 or 2, tried the third time for a boy, but got a girl instead. Such a family would have two girls and a boy (the latter not as the last child). Here at least one girl would be unwanted, but in our classification would not be captured as such. For all these reasons, it is important to note that our count of families with unwanted girls is an underestimate, and we provide a lower-bound estimate of the effect of meta SP on gender gaps in schooling.
In principle, there could be four types of parents based on their preference for sons/discrimination against the girl child.
- Parent type 1: These are parents with a Beckerian ‘taste for discrimination’ (ToD) against the girl child, or a strong patriarchal belief in male superiority extending beyond the desire for an optimal number of sons. They would not consider daughters’ education to be important; they would invest less in their daughters’ education if they had only daughters than if they had only sons.
- Parent type 2: These are parents with meta SP, which means they want at least one son, or more sons than daughters. However, these parents might not have an intrinsic taste for discrimination against girls, that is, they would value investments in sons and daughters equally. However, in the process of trying for a son, they end up having unwanted daughters, which leads to a greater than desired family size and a squeeze on resources, which could result in parents spending more on their son(s) compared to their daughters (which include unwanted girls).
- Parent type 3: These parents have no inherent SP and no taste for discrimination against girls. However, they are motivated by resource concentration, which is the inverse of the resource dilution hypothesis, that is, parents are averse to diluting their resources by spreading them evenly across all children, and tend to concentrate their resources on children most likely to succeed. In a patriarchal and patrilineal society, the child most likely to succeed would be the son. Thus, these families would also see greater investments in sons relative to daughters, but not due to SP or ToD.
- Parent type 4: Parents with none of the above features. These parents have no SP, no meta SP, no ToD, and have no reason to invest more in their boys’ education.
Data and methodology
We examine pooled cross-section data from four special educational surveys of the National Sample Survey (NSS): 1986-87 (Round 42), 1995-96 (Round 52), 2014 (Round 71), and 2017-18 (Round 75), covering about 77,037, 72,883, 65,926 and 113,757 households, respectively. For each child (biological children of the household head) between 6 and 19 years, we examine the following outcomes for quantity of schooling: whether the child is ever enrolled, currently enrolled, and number of years of education. We measure school quality by whether the child goes to a private school, to an English-medium school, and by the quantum of expenditure on education (including school fees, private tuitions, and other educational aides), conditional on current enrolment.
To assess parental motivation, we compare children as follows:
- To assess ToD, we compare girls in all-girls families with boys in all-boys families.
- To assess meta SP, we compare girls in mixed families with unwanted girls with their brothers.
- To assess resource concentration, we compare girls in mixed families (with no unwanted girls) to boys in mixed families.
We find that the gender gap in the probability of being ever enrolled, currently enrolled, and years of education is fully eliminated between 1985-86 and 2018 – overall, and across all family types. This means that regardless of their motivation, parents do not distinguish between girls and boys in terms of quantity of schooling.
In terms of quality of education, the gender gap in private schooling increased slightly over the period, with the largest increase in families with unwanted girls. The expenditure gap between girls and boys was driven by families with unwanted girls. Also, most of the increase occurred during 1995-2018. We find that an intensification of meta SP has adversely affected the quality of schooling for ‘unwanted’ girls.
India constitutes an ideal setting to examine these issues, as the prevalence of SP is most obviously manifested in the skewed sex ratio at birth. The Indian economy has been undergoing extensive structural transformation over the last three decades, as manifested in greater urbanisation, migration, greater diversity in sources of livelihoods, and a movement away from traditional farming occupations. This process has been accompanied by various government schemes aimed at enhancing the value of a daughter through subsidies and other monetary incentives, along with changes in inheritance laws. Additionally, vigorous media campaigns emphasising that daughters are just as capable as sons, are actively promoted by the government.
Other countries with strong SP, specifically China and North Korea, have managed to achieve an improvement in child sex ratio through targeted, explicit State-sponsored interventions towards gender equality. Such interventions might not be easily replicable in democracies.
The South Korean story is similar to that of India in that they have also seen extensive structural change since 1991. As the pre-industrial social organisation in South Korea disintegrated with rapid urbanisation, increasing female education and labour force participation rate (LFPR), the relationship between parents and their children changed in certain key dimensions. One, daughters were economically as capable as sons of providing parental support; and two, whether old-age care would be provided by the son or the daughter depended more on who lived closer to the parents. Both these factors helped undercut the material basis for SP (Chung and Das Gupta 2007).
In India, we do not see similar processes unfolding. We see clear evidence of increased gender bias in quality of schooling, which is driven by families with meta SP. Prima facie, this suggests that the combination of factors such as patrilocality and near universality of marriage continue to sustain the notion that girls are paraya dhan, literally ‘another's property’. Families might perceive that they will not benefit from investment in their daughters' education, as they will move away to their marital homes, a phenomenon described as ‘watering a neighbour's garden’. Adding to this is the deep-rooted and persistent pressure of generating a dowry, which further reinforces the belief that investing in higher quality education for girls is a waste of precious resources.
It is complicated: Winds of change
Our public school result should be interpreted with care. There are several government schemes for girls' schooling targeted at girls studying in government schools. Thus, parents’ decision to send their daughters to public schools could simply reflect a rational decision, rather than a discriminatory one.
Also, the total fertility rate (TFR) has rapidly declined in India, from 3.16 to 2.66 during 2001-2011, based on national Census figures. The sample registration system data for 2016 shows a TFR of 2.3 (with 1.8 in urban areas). There has been some change in strong SP attitudes in India, as can be seen in the improvement in the SRB from a peak of 113.6 in 2004 to 110 in 2012. This is still above the natural average of 105, but it is an improvement to be noted.
The change in SP attitudes is slow and uneven, but it is perceptible. Qualitative studies reveal the beginning of the emergence of a new gender stereotype: caring daughter and unreliable sons, especially after their marriage. The normal route of women being valued through their economic contribution to the family is not on the cards for India, as there is a decline in the already low female LFPRs.
Growth, development, and structural shifts in India have not acted as natural antidotes to gender discrimination. Sex selection and educational investments in children appear to be part of family strategies to achieve upward mobility (Basu and Desai 2016, Kaur et al. 2016, Kaur and Vasudev 2019). Meta SP could be an element of an upward mobility strategy of the new elite: aim at small families and focus on children's success, and aspire for at least one (successful) son.
- Patrilocality refers to the practice of a married couple residing with or near the husband’s parents.
- Preference in inheritance given to the eldest son.
- Given a fertility of around 2, families with one or two children are unlikely to have ‘unwanted’ girls.
- Pooled cross-section data include randomly sampled cross-sections of individuals at different points in time.
- We also create a composite category of private English-medium schools.
- Basu, Alaka M and Sonalde Desai (2016), “Hopes, dreams and anxieties: India’s one-child families”, Asian Population Studies, 12(1):4-27. Available here.
- Chung, Woojin and Monica Das Gupta (2007), “The decline of son preference in South Korea: The roles of development and public policy”, Population and Development Review, 33(4):757-783.
- Das Gupta, Monica, Jiang Zhenghua, Li Bohua, Xie Zhenming, Woojin Chung and Bae Hwa-Ok (2003), “Why is son preference so persistent in East and South Asia? A cross-country study of China, India and the Republic of Korea”, The Journal of Development Studies, 40(2):153-187. Available here.
- Deshpande, A and A Gupta (2020), ‘Nakusha? Son Preference, Resource Concentration and Gender Gaps in Education’, Working Paper.
- Jayachandran, Seema (2017), “Fertility decline and missing women”, American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 9(1):118-139.
- Kaur, Ravinder and Charumita Vasudev (2019), “Son Preference and Daughter Aversion in Two Villages of Jammu”, Economic and Political Weekly, 54(13).
- Kaur, R, SS Bhalla, MK Agarwal and P Ramakrishnan (2016), ‘Sex Ratio at Birth - The Role of Gender, Class and Education’, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) India Technical Report 43.
- Sen, Amartya (1990), “More than 100 million women are missing”, The New York Review of Books, 20 December 1990, 61-66.
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I changed the vague definition of the term Nakusha but was reverted by User:Alf.laylah.wa.laylah.
Here i am citing the sources and reason for the change.
X plane 11 oculus rift s. 1 - Source : http://zeenews.india.com/news/maharashtra/end-nakusha-campaign-girls-no-more-unwanted_737916.htmlIn some parts of rural Maharashtra, if a girl is born when the parents wanted a boy, she is named 'Nakusha'. 'Typically, if a rural couple has one or two girls, they dislike it when their third child also turns out to be a girl. They then name her 'Nakusha'.
As the such naming of girl child is unique to rural parts of Maharashtra state and it should be stated so.
2. I dont understand why User:Alf.laylah.wa.laylah removed the 'goverment campaign' word which i well supported by the reference. In your opinion who runs the campaign? It better to clarify rather than keep reverting.--Neelkamala (talk) 13:17, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- You're right about the government campaign part; I fixed that and I'm sorry I was hasty. The sources disagree on whether it's only rural. One says 'rural' while others do not. There is no support in any of these sources for your changing 'some' to 'few' and 'unwanted female children' to 'female children.'— alf laylah wa laylah (talk) 13:24, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- If you look closely at the articles, you will see this is confined to some rural parts of Maharastra state and particularly the Satara district.
- All the three news source support the rural claim. Listing them below with the selected parts.
- 1- BBC: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-15414796Hundreds of people committed to fighting gender discrimination attended the ceremony in rural Satara district.
- 2- IndianExpress : http://www.indianexpress.com/news/a-new-name-for-nakushi/864079/0In her concrete home in Khodshi village, barely 4 km from Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan’s hometown of Karad in Satara district, Nakushi scampers around, playing with her younger sister Mona and unaware of the attention she is drawing. In a few days, she will get a new name—Bhagyashree.
- It is our traditional belief and it will come true,” says Savitri, resting on her bed in the three-room house at Charegaon in Karad taluka. Note, Charegaon is a village. source : http://www.onefivenine.com/india/villages/Satara/Karad/Charegaon
- 3 - ZeeNews: http://zeenews.india.com/news/maharashtra/end-nakusha-campaign-girls-no-more-unwanted_737916.html 'Zilla Parishad officials had surveyed the district and decided on the renaming after speaking to the parents. The officials felt this was a small step towards changing the mindset in the rural areas,' another official said.
- 2nd main correction, the children are not 'unwanted' as pointed out in the article. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/a-new-name-for-nakushi/864079/0Through all the turmoil over the last six years, Vrushali says that the thought of aborting her babies never occurred to her. “The thought of taking a pill or aborting the child never crossed my mind. It’s a living being after all and I would never think of killing my child because it’s a girl,” she says. Its incorrect to add that term.
- 3rd correction, Nakusha is not a Indian name, the word is only used in Marathi language. The current definition of the term is vague. That's the reason the corrections i made should be reinstated or you can make suggestions to properly define the word. --Neelkamala (talk) 14:04, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- OK on rural. Not so OK on unwanted. See, e.g. 'It’s very simple, we didn’t want this girl child so we called her Nakushi.' Also not so OK on Indian. Maharashtra is an Indian state, so stuff that is from there is properly referred to as Indian.— alf laylah wa laylah (talk) 14:17, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- 1 - That is one opinion of the parent, not supported by other parents as i have pointed out earlier. Differing opinions should be well represented instead of pointing out only one point of view.
- 2- India is large nation with many states, how can you use a term which is used in only one state and dub it Indian. It's blatantly incorrect. --Neelkamala (talk) 14:35, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- 1 - as you used the opinion of one parent to show that the children are not unwanted. Your argument is less convincing since the mother only said that she did not want to abort the child. That is not the same as the child not being unwanted.
- 2 - It says right in the article that 'Indian name' points to that they vary from region to region. Many countries are large with many states and yet the adjective formed from the country is used. What is Brasilian music, e.g., or American cooking, or Mexican food? All three of these are large countries with many and various states.— alf laylah wa laylah (talk) 14:46, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- 1 - Unwanted children are aborted. If the parents felt the girl child was unwanted they would have taken resort to abortion and not naming them Nakusha.
- 2 - Nakusha is not a Indian name, it's a uniquely Marathi language name. There are over 22 official Indian languages, other than marathi no other language uses this term in it's vocabulary, its totally wrong to call it Indian. Such vague definitions should be avoided. --Neelkamala (talk) 15:14, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
- 1 - No, aborted children are unwanted. The converse is not true.
- 2 - 69 official Languages of Mexico, for instance, and yet the word 'Mexican' can be used to describe anything related to any of them. Your point is not valid. It's correct to call it Indian. From the OED: 5b. Any of the indigenous languages used in India or (formerly) the East Indies. Why does it matter?— alf laylah wa laylah (talk) 16:31, 2 January 2013 (UTC)
Nakusha Laagi Tujhse Lagan
- 1- You fail to prove your point and talk in riddles. Not all parents who name their kids Nakusha deem them unwanted as proven by the selected quotes from the news reports. So kindly either prove your contention or stop talking in one liners.
- 2 - You fail to get the gist of my argument, let me try once again. Nakusha is not a Indian given name, its a Marathi given name. If you have sources to back your claim of it being Indian then add it or change it to the correct version since no other Indian languages uses the word.--Neelkamala (talk) 06:21, 3 January 2013 (UTC)
Nakusha Serial Cast
Nakusha Episode Terakhir
Surely somewhere the article should say that this is a word in an Indian language and that it is happening in India? Perhaps my latest change is acceptable? Also, did you notice that it's in the category of Indian given names? So this is not just my quirk.— alf laylah wa laylah (talk) 12:11, 7 January 2013 (UTC)